REPOSTED FROM ANOTHER THREAD:
Here are some questions for Mueller focused on the obstruction issue and what his conclusions mean at a high level:
Q1-1: You say four times in the Report that you determined not to make a traditional prosecutorial judgment. You rely in large part on the OLC memo which says a sitting POTUS should not face indictment or criminal prosecution of a sitting POTUS b/c it would undermine the capacity to perform constitutionally assigned functions and violate the separation of powers. Can you confirm that? (Y/N).
Q1-2: If, yes, did you feel compelled to give us a lengthy discussion of the OLC memo b/c the POTUS’ conduct did meet the threshold to be charged for the Federal crime of obstruction of justice?
Q1-3: Process Question: What was the sequence of the investigative and charging analysis process? Did your investigative team compile evidence first, determine if conduct met the elements required to charge individuals with federal crimes, and then your team applied the OLC memo analysis where it concerned the potential liability of the sitting POTUS?
- Was the criminal investigation portion distinct from the charging analysis?
- If so, did the criminal investigation precede the charging analysis by your team of prosecutors?
- Were any instructions provided to investigators to the effect of, ‘don’t look at that issue in relation to President Trump because you can’t charge him for it?’
- Or, was the OSC’s approach to say, ‘go find what’s out there, without regard to any limitations imposed by the OLC memo, and our team of prosecutors will make the determination as to what is chargeable and what is not?
Q1-4 Based on your investigative and charging analysis process, if there had not been evidence to meet the elements of the Federal crime of obstruction of justice, would you have even had to discuss the OLC memo and the ability to charge the POTUS with federal crimes in such detail?
- Is it not true that the President’s conduct forced you to analyze whether he could be charged while in office, impeached while in office, or charged after he leaves office?
- Had you found no evidence that the President’s conduct met the elements of obstruction of justice, would you have sent us pages and pages of OLC analysis and applied it to the facts you uncovered?
- Based on your prior answers and Vol 2, does this not mean that in your view, the President’s conduct met the elements of the Federal crime of Obstruction of Justice in up to 10 separate instances?
- Did the POTUS’ conduct rise to the level of chargeable or actionable by Congress or prosecutors (post-term)? Note: I’m not asking you whether he should be charged. I’m asking whether his conduct met the elements of Obstruction and that future decision makers (Congress/prosecutors) should consider whether he should be charged?
- If the President’s conduct met the elements of the Federal crime of obstruction of justice, is it not your recommendation that Congress may consider the report for the purposes of impeachment?
Q2: You also said on Vol 2, page 1, “apart from OLCs constitutional view, we recognized that a federal criminal accusation against a sitting President would place burdens on the President’s capacity to govern and potentially preempt constitutional processes for addressing presidential misconduct.” Your footnote cites the impeachment article of the US Constitution. (Art 1 Sec. 2 clause 4; Sec. 3, Cl 6).
Q2-1: Is it your view that impeachment should come first before a criminal prosecution? If so, can Vol II of your report be properly read as an impeachment referral? If not, why not?
Q2-2: If so, is that because you concluded that the President’s conduct met the elements to potentially be charged with the federal crime of obstruction of justice?
Q3: You highlight on Vol 2, Pg 1-2, that the OLC Memo recognizes that despite the POTUS’ immunity from being charged for Federal crimes while in office, he does not have immunity after he leaves office. Your basis for investigating him was to preserve evidence for future decision makers.
Q3-1: Is one purpose of investigating, preserving and presenting evidence for future decision makers to enable them to make a charging decision if they see fit?
- If so, can President Trump be charged by prosecutors if he leaves office before the statute of limitations expires?
Q3-2: Is one purpose of investigating, preserving and presenting evidence is to enable Congress to consider impeachment?
- If so, can your report be the basis for an impeachment inquiry?
Q3-3: In your interpretation of the OLC memo, does conduct by a sitting POTUS that meets the elements of the Federal crime of obstruction of justice require you to make a referral to Congress?
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If you find evidence of Federal crimes, do you have the option not to inform Congress?
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Why did you inform Congress if not to alert us that Federal crimes may have been committed by a sitting POTUS and that Congress should consider it?
Q4: The most widely quoted passage of your report says the following (Vol 2, Pg 2):
“If we had confidence after a thorough investigation of the facts that the President clearly did not commit obstruction of justice, we would so state. Based on the facts and the applicable legal standards, however, we are unable to reach that judgment.The evidence we obtained about the President’s actions and intent presents difficult issues that prevent us from conclusively determining that no criminal conduct occurred. Accordingly, while this report doesnot concludethat the President committed a crime, it also does not exonerate him.”
Q4-1: In plain English, is your investigative conclusion that the POTUS’ conduct met the elements of the Federal crime of obstruction of justice? Note: that is separate from whether you had the authority to charge him. We accept your reliance on the OLC memo, however flawed, as the basis for your conclusions on that issue.
Q4-2: You said, ‘If we had confidence after a thorough investigation of the facts that the President clearly did not commit obstruction of justice, we would so state’. Is a fair interpretation of that sentence that the POTUS might have committed obstruction of justice? Is that statement intended to signal to Congress that it should consider the facts you uncovered and make a determination?
Q4-3: You said, ‘The evidence we obtained about the President’s actions and intent presents difficult issues that prevent us from conclusively determining that no criminal conduct occurred,’ Is a fair interpretation of that sentence that the POTUS might have committed obstruction of justice? If so, is it your view that Congress has the right to consider this report as a referral for possible impeachment proceedings?
Q4-4: You said, ‘Accordingly, while this report does not conclude that the President committed a crime, it also does not exonerate him’, Is a fair interpretation of that sentence that the POTUS’ conduct met the elements of the federal crime of obstruction of justice, but per the OLC memo, the charging decision must be made by Congress while he remains in office, or prosecutors after he leaves office?